Réseau Bastille editorial,editorial-accueil,international,Non classé Ukraine : 7 conclusions pour un 24 février

Ukraine : 7 conclusions pour un 24 février

Texte extrêmement important après la réussite de la mobilisation des Ukrainiens dans les rues de France et d’Europe..

La question de la lutte contre le néolibéralisme et pour des mesures de socialisation de la société ukrainienne est capitale. La perspective de victoire ne peut se résumer à la demande d’une aide toujours improbable et à l’adhésion à l’OTAN ou à l’EU.

Ce texte permet de recentrer l’analyse qui glisse toujours vers ce qui semble « réaliste ».

Merci à Patrick pour la mise en lumière de ce texte , de mon point de vue ,capital.

ML

Le point de vue d’un socialiste ukrainien

Vitaliy Dudin

1. L’Ukraine a prouvé que sans l’adhésion à l’OTAN, il est possible de résister à la Russie, la puissance impériale la plus militariste de notre époque. Il s’agit d’un témoignage vivant de l’indépendance et du dévouement du peuple ukrainien, en particulier des forces armées ukrainiennes. Poutine s’est lui-même enfoncé dans un piège et il lui est impossible d’en sortir sans une dégradation encore plus grande de la société [russe] dans le sens du fascisme. Nous avons survécu grâce à une solidarité sans précédent, et la perspective de la victoire dépend de sa poursuite au niveau mondial. Mais pour passer à une nouvelle étape, le caractère national de la guerre doit être complété par la prise de mesures socialistes par l’État ukrainien.

2. Le lien entre le potentiel économique de l’État et l’arsenal de ses moyens est évident. Ce n’est pas un hasard si David Arakhamia[1] a déclaré qu’en cas de manque d’aide américaine, davantage d’Ukrainiens devront être mobilisés. Se concentrer sur des mesures telles que l’annulation de la dette, l’impôt progressif et la nationalisation des industries stratégiques permettrait probablement de mieux équiper les défenseurs et donc d’enrôler moins de personnes. Avec des ressources limitées et une liberté d’action illimitée, les autorités sont enclines à mobiliser les gens plutôt qu’à restructurer l’économie.

3. Le peuple ukrainien est convaincu de l’incompatibilité du capitalisme avec l’humanité. Beaucoup de personnel soignant, de cheminots, d’éducateurs, d’agents de sécurité, de chauffeurs et de fonctionnaires ont fait l’expérience de multiples vulnérabilités : auprès d’eux, j’ai appris comment à la menace qui pèse sur leur vie s’est ajoutée la peur de l’avenir en raison de l’arbitraire des employeurs. C’est une honte de voir comment les autorités se préoccupent non pas de ces personnes, mais du confort des élites du monde des affaires sous tous ses aspects. Le sentiment de privation des droits et d’insécurité des masses laborieuses exacerbe la pénurie de travailleurs.

4. Suffisamment de temps s’est écoulé pour que même les partisans du marché libre soient convaincus de l’incapacité de l’économie libérale de répondre aux défis de la guerre. Notre peuple est prêt à apporter une contribution encore plus grande à la victoire en augmentant la production des moyens de défense et en restaurant les infrastructures, mais pour cela, l’État doit fournir à chacun un emploi décent et productif. Aujourd’hui, la pénurie de main-d’œuvre se conjugue avec le chômage. La crise non résolue dans le domaine social et du travail ne permettra pas à l’Ukraine de profiter de ses avantages naturels et la rendra dépendante de l’aide occidentale.

5. La légitimité de toute mesure coercitive (comme la mobilisation ou la restriction des déplacements à l’étranger) restera discutable tant qu’il y aura un fossé entre les couches sociales et la corruption. Les autorités ne se rendront jamais compte qu’une société stratifiée en classes a moins de stabilité qu’une société en pleine cohésion sociale. Pendant une guerre de libération, il ne peut y avoir d’oligarques dans un pays qui cherche à gagner.

6. Les restrictions à la convocation d’élections et à la compétition politique devraient être compensées par l’expansion des formes de démocratie à tous les niveaux, en particulier en augmentant l’importance des syndicats et des collectifs de travailleurs dans la résolution des problèmes aux niveaux industriel et législatif. Après l’expiration du mandat pour lequel elle a été élue, Galina Tretyakova[2] ne devrait pas continuer à déterminer la politique sociale et à imposer un Code du travail axé sur la protection des riches contre la population active. Sans tenir compte de l’avis des syndicats dans le cadre du dialogue social, les autorités ne devraient pas prendre de telles décisions, à moins, bien sûr, qu’elles ne veuillent porter les contradictions sociales à un point critique.

7. Habituez vous à penser au moins une fois toutes les 24 heures à ce que vous avez fait pour le bien commun. Etes-vous prêt à sacrifier de votre temps libre, car beaucoup ont déjà donné ce qu’il y a de plus précieux dans la lutte pour une Ukraine libre : leur vie. Souvenez-vous d’eux.

24 février 2024

Traduction Patrick Le Tréhondat


[1] Député, président du groupe présidentiel au Parlement. Ndt.

[2] Présidente de la commission parlementaire sur la politique sociale. NdT.

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